Israel's apartheid is not that different from the one South Africa used to have, both in terms of policy and brutality.
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By acknowledging Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, President Trump has demonstrated a genuinely deep historical insight. Even if Israel itself had claimed any other city as its capital – be it Tel-Aviv, where Israel’s declaration of independence took place in 1948; or Hebron, where once Abraham bought a graveyard, and where nowadays a few hundred Jewish settlers terrorize hundreds of thousands of Palestinians; or even Vilnius, once known as “Lithuania’s Jerusalem” for its prosperous Jewish community (Israelis now parrot that “every people has a right to choose its own capital”, so why not?) – the leader of the free world would have been correct in pointing at Jerusalem as the true and genuine capital of the Israeli Apartheid.
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Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia:
27.03.2017 Richard Falk:
Anger at my Israel 'apartheid' report puts free speech at risk
21.09.2017 Richard Falk:
Apartheid and the Future of Israel/Palestine
19.01.2019 Patrick Lawrence:
A Conversation With Richard Falk (Part 1)
31.01.2019 Patrick Lawrence:
A Conversation With Richard Falk (Part 2)
07.02.2018 Video mit Richard Falk (Part 1) (Part 2)
09.02.2018 Eric A. Gordon:
Richard Falk speaks on Israel and the question of apartheid
Between the end of Israeli military administration over its Arab citizens in 1966 and plans for educational integration in 1968, a new definition was born.
In the modern history of the United States, it’s impossible to overstate the importance of the U.S. Supreme Court ruling of Brown vs. Board of Education of Topeka (1954) as a landmark decision to end the racial segregation being practiced in the South.
Ostensibly, the date marking the official end of Israeli military administration over its Arab citizens, 1966, should hold a similar status. But marking the 50th anniversary of the event seemed to be a matter of interest for historians only, with many Israelis not even aware of the existence of the body that controlled the lives of Palestinian citizens for over 15 years. Moreover, while this rule was associated with the military administration established in the occupied territories, very few people – if any – have considered its significance in the internal social context.
I will try to reflect here on the connection between the ending of the military administration in 1966 and the occupation of the territories in 1967, and the plan for educational integration in 1968. In doing so, I will try to highlight the sociopolitical processes that shaped the status of Palestinian citizens at the crossroad between the state, Palestinians in the territories and Israeli Jews.
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Meeting with John Dugard, South Africa’s ‘Father Of Human Rights’
One of the leading opponents to apartheid, and later a prominent critic of Israel, John Dugard spoke with New Matilda’s Michael Brull recently.
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The growing delegitimization of Israel is this country's own handiwork. Should Israel decide to end apartheid, it will return to being legitimate in every respect.
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In Israel/Palestine: Witnessing the End of a Colonial Regime
What is happening in Israel today and what happened last week, last month, and for the past almost 50 years is about cementing sovereignty over land the international community agrees does not belong to Israel and over a subject people, the Palestinians, in contravention of international law. Yet, in Israel there is much talk about whether this is the start of the third intifada, but little talk of ending the occupation, the root cause of the escalating conflict.
[ vollständiger Artikel ]
Ex-U.N. Official John Dugard:
Israel’s Crimes are "Infinitely Worse" Than in Apartheid South Africa
As Palestine joins the International Criminal Court, former U.N. Special Rapporteur John Dugard talks about how an apartheid case could be brought against Israel in the ICC. “I’m a South African who lived through apartheid,” Dugard said. "I have no hesitation in saying that Israel’s crimes are infinitely worse than those committed by the apartheid regime of South Africa."
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Does the term 'apartheid' fit Israel?
Of course it does.
The storm of controversy after Secretary of State John F. Kerry's warning that Israel risked becoming an "apartheid state" reminded us once again that facts, data and the apparently tedious details of international law often seem to have little bearing on conversations about Israel conducted at the highest levels of this country. As was the case when other major figures brandished the "A-word" in connection with Israel (Jimmy Carter comes to mind), the political reaction to Kerry's warning was instantaneous and emotional. "Israel is the only democracy in the Middle East, and any linkage between Israel and apartheid is nonsensical and ridiculous," said California Sen. Barbara Boxer. That's that, then, eh?
[ vollständiger Artikel ] [ alternativ ]
Apartheid is a loaded term; saturated with history and emotion. It conjures up images and memories of discrimination, oppression, and brutality; indulgence, privilege, and pretension; racism, resistance, and, ultimately, emancipation. All of which come to us through the history of apartheid in South Africa. Although prohibited and criminalized by international law in response to the situation in southern Africa, the concept of apartheid was never given enormous attention by international lawyers. Following an awakening of interest in the international legal prohibition of apartheid as a potentially appropriate lens through which to view the situation of the Palestinians, this article examines the merits of such a claim in the context of Israeli law and practice in the occupied Palestinian territory.
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Beyond South Africa:
Much analysis of Israeli apartheid focuses on comparisons with South Africa. Al-Shabaka Policy Advisor Samer Abdelnour argues that the specific characteristics of Israel’s unique brand of apartheid need to be better understood in order to successfully dismantle it. He identifies three inter-locking dimensions of Israeli apartheid: physical, architecture, and ideological. Examining apartheid through these dimensions, he reveals Israeli apartheid to be far more sophisticated than that of South Africa and suggests directions for thinking and action to overcome Israel apartheid.
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A re-assessment of Israel’s practices in the occupied Palestinian territories under international law
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International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid.
[ in Englisch ]
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